Religious Jews opposed to Zionism

Irak Eğitim Bakanı Müdafhar`dan İhsan Doğramacı`ya Ödül

29-01-2010

Irak Eğitim Bakanı Sami Müdafhar, İhsan Doğramacı'nın adına Bilkent Üniversitesi Rektörü Prof. Dr. Ali Doğramacı'ya Irak'taki eğitim faaliyetlerinden ötürü teşekkür ve fahri doktora belgesi ile bir mektup verdi. Müdafhar törende yaptığı konuşmada, "Burada bulunmamızın sebebi İhsan Doğramacı'ya ödül vermektir.

Bazı durumlar nedeniyle gecikme olmuştur. Bilime verdiği hizmetler için bu ödülü kendisine veriyoruz. İhsan Doğramacı Dicle suyunu içtiği için gurur duyuyoruz. Bu ödülleri, bu iyiliği ödüllendirmek için katılıyoruz. Bu ödülü güvenlik ve sağlık nedenleriyle burada veriyoruz. Bu ödülü verdiğimiz için gururluyuz" dedi. Müdafhar, Irak-Türk eğitim temelleri üzerinde ilişkilerin meyvelerini aldıklarını da ifade ederek, "Burs ve üniversite eğitimi ile kültürel ve bilimsel ilişkiler ve aynı zamanda Arap-Türk kültürü birbirine yaklaştı. Türk dilline önem veriyoruz. Bu nedenle Irak'ta bir Türk kültür merkezi kurulacak. Kültürel ilişkiler yanında bütün ilişkileri güçlendireceğiz. Tarım, sanayi, petrol, petrokimya, inşaat alanlarında da ilişkileri geliştireceğiz" diye konuştu. Irak Büyükelçisi Abdul Amir A. Tabikh ise, bu önemli günde bir araya gelmekten memnuniyet duyduğunu belirterek, "Bu ödül bizim için önemlidir.

Sayın İhsan Doğramacı ödülünü bizim saydı. Bizimle olan ilişkileri bize onur ve gurur veriyor. İlişkiler sadece dini değil, aynı zamanda coğrafik ve kültürel ilişkiler de bizi bağlıyor.

İlişkilerimizde herhangi bir problem yok. Sayın Bakan bu ödülü vermek için gelmiştir" şeklinde konuştu. Bilkent Üniversitesi Rektörü Prof. Dr. Ali Doğramacı, babası adına bu ödülü aldığını ifade ederek, şunları söyledi:"Irak'ın babamın kalbinde özel bir yeri var. Musul Üniversitesi Rektörü babamla bir araya geldiklerinde, 'Musul ile ilişkileri geliştirmek için ne yapabiliriz' şeklinde soruya cevap aramışlar.

Barış ve huzur içinde yaşayan bir Irak'ın Türkiye'ye de faydası olur. Özel konumunun yanı sıra Irak'ta kalıcı barışın sağlanması bölge ve dünya için yararlıdır. Bilkent Üniversitesi olarak daha çok bilim ve eğitim temelinde yürüyoruz. Bilim, kültür, eğitim girişimlerinin açtığı yolda yürüyoruz"Bu önemli güne ITC Türkiye Temsilcisi Sadun Köprülü'de katılarak tebriklerini iletti.

İHA

ITC, Kerkük Sorunun Siyasi Malzeme Haline Getirilmesinden Endişeli

29 Ocak 2010, Cuma


Irak Türkmen Cephesi sözcüsü Ali Haşim Muhtaroğlu, ITC, Kerkük Sorunun Siyasi Malzeme Haline Getirilmesinden Endişeli.

7 Mart'ta yapılacak olan parlamento seçimleri öncesi ülke siyasetinde koalisyonlar kurma görüşmeleri tüm hızıyla sürüyor Irak Türkmen Cephesi Kerkük sorunun koalisyon kurmaya çalışan siyasi partiler arasında malzeme haline getirilmesinden dolayı duyduğu endişeyi dile getirdi. Konuya ilişkin açıklama Irak Türkmen Cephesi sözcüsü Ali Haşim Muhtaroğlu'ndan geldi. Muhtaroğlu, Irak Türkmen Cephesi Kerkük sorunun koalisyon kurmaya çalışan siyasi partiler arasında malzeme haline getirilmesinden dolayı duyduğu endişeyi dile getirdi.

Ali Haşim Muhtaroğlu'nun Türkmeneli TV'ye yaptığı açıklamada koalisyon kurmasının yasal bir hak olduğunu ancak Kerkük sorunun İslami Yüksek Konsey'le Kürt koalisyonu arasında malzeme konusu olmasından dolayı Irak Türkmen Cephesi'nin kaygı duyduğunu söyledi.

Irak Türkmen Cephesi sözcüsü, konuşmasının devamında Cumhurbaşkanı Celal Talabani'nin son olarak Kerkük'ün Kürt bölgesinin bir parçası olduğu yönündeki açıklamasını şiddetle eleştirdi. Muhtaroğlu, Kerkük'ün bir Irak şehri olduğunu ve tüm Iraklılara ait olduğunu belirtti. Ali Haşim Muhtaroğlu, Kerkük gibi hayati önem taşıyan konularda dar görüşlü olunmaması gerektiğini söyledi.

ITC Türkiye Temsilciliği

Enformasyon Şb. Tarafından

Türkçeye Çevrilmiştir

Remembering Howard Zinn, Historian and Activist

The ANSWER Coalition joins with the anti-war and progressive movement worldwide in mourning the loss of historian and activist Howard Zinn, who died Wednesday at the age of 87.

While we extend our deepest condolences to his friends and family, we also note that his 87 years constituted one proud, unceasing effort in the fight for justice.

We know further, that while Prof. Zinn may be gone, his books, which have opened so many eyes and minds to the hidden history of the United States, will continue to inspire generations of activists to come. It is no accident that each year the sales of his People's History of the United States continued to outpace the prior year's sales (a nearly unprecedented feat in book publishing). But his intellectual and historical contributions are only one part of Professor Zinn's life and legacy.

Indeed, he learned about history by taking part in it. Professor Zinn became involved in the struggle for justice in the 1950s, as the modern Civil Rights Movement was beginning to grow in the Deep South. As a professor at Spelman, he lent his advice and support to the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the youth movement that was taking bold action against the Jim Crow.

While his activism ultimately cost him his job, Prof. Zinn recalled that he "learned more from [his] students than [his] students learned from [him.]" Prof. Zinn dedicated the next half-century to opposing militarism and war abroad, and injustice at home. He practiced what he preached, frequently joining the picket lines of striking workers and lending his voice to the anti-war movement.

In 2007, in a statement for the ANSWER website, Prof. Zinn wrote: "I'll be marching March 17th, with my wife, with friends, to express our solidarity with all those people, all over the country, who demand that the United States bring our troops back from Iraq. We need to make clear to the Democrats in Congress that we expect bold action from them to stop the war, to save the lives of Americans and Iraqis, and use the enormous sums wasted on war to serve the needs of the people."

Howard Zinn endorsed and worked with the anti-war movement to build the strongest opposition to the Iraq invasion and other colonial-type wars. On March 20, when tens of thousands march together we will honor the work, the legacy and the example of Howard Zinn.Indeed, this is how we will be honoring the life and legacy of Howard Zinn: by building the movement and protests that he always approached with so much energy and enthusiasm.

Long live Howard Zinn, activist and people's historian!

A.N.S.W.E.R. Coalition
http://answer.pephost.org/site/R?i=v8urkdTpOCelWcOQPM28Kg.. info@internationalanswer.org

Karma güç ve sinsi oyun ...!

Karma güç ve sinsi oyun ...!

Rüşdi ÇELEBİ

27-01-2010

Amerikan´ın Irak´taki askeri komutanı Odirno´nun: "sözde tartışmalı bölgelerde karmagüç kurma" önerisini uygulamaya koymak tüm Irak çapında şiddetli tartışmalara nedenoldu.

Odinro´nun başta Kerkük olmak üzere sözde tartışmalı bölgelerde Irak ve Amerikanaskerlerinin yanı sıra Kürt peşmergesinden oluşan üçlü karma gücün kurulmasıönerisni resmen hayata geçirmek Kürt gruplarını i memnun ederken Türkmen veArapları haklı olarak son derece rahatsız etmiş bulunuyor .

Türkmen ve Araplar öneriye karşı oldukların çeşitli resmi dillerden defalarca ifadeetmeleri, söz konusu uygulamayı durdurmak için yeterli olmamıştı .

Diğer bir taraftan ABD Başkanı Obama’nın yardımcısı Biden´ın sürpriz Bağdatziyaretinde bir araya geldiği cumhurbaşkanı yardımcısı Tarık Haşimi, karma güçönerisinin bölgeye zarar vereceğini açık ne net bir şekilde dile getirerek öneriyiilk ağızdan reddetmiş oldu. Aslında sadece Haşimi değil, bugün Irak´ta öneriye genişbir kesim karşı çıkıyor. Önerinin Irak-Amerika güvenlik anlaşmasının açık ihlaliolduğu ve peşmergeye meşruiyet kazandırdığı görüşleri çok yerindedir ve isabetlidir.

Bu sinsi vde tehlikeli oyunu iyi ele alıp tüm yönleriyle analiz edersek ortayasözde tartışmalı bölgelere karma güç yerleştirilirmesinin ana hedefleri şöyleönümüze çıkabilir:

· Irak ‘ın pratik olarak bölünmesinin kapısını açmak.

· Peşmerge gücünün sözde anlaşmazlık bölgelerde mevcüdiyetini meşru zeminüzerine oturtmak.

· Söz konusu bölgelerdeki devlet hâkimiyet ve otoritesini en aza indirmek.

· Arap ve Türkmenlere karşı psikolojik baskı çemberi altına alıp ve sindirmepotasında eritip onları söz konusu bölgelerden göçe zorlamak.

· 1991´den sonra kuzeyin 36. paraleli üzerinde ABD ve Batılı güçlerin tesisettikleri "sözde uçuşa yasak bölge" uygulamasına benzer bir yapıyı kurmak.

· Kürt gruplara kuzeydeki üç ilde yaratmış oldukları emrivakiyi bu bölgelerdede tekrarlamayı sağlamak.

· Bu bölgeleri peşmergenin kontrolündeki bölgelere katmak için yasal ortamhazırlamak .

Zaten de bu uygulamanın gizli amaçı budur.
Çünkü bir Kürt yetkilisi bir sure onceönce bu teklifin kendilerine ait olduğunu açık ve net bir şekilde ifade etmişti.

Bunun için söz konusu yeni durum Irak´ın milli güvenliğini,siyasi birliğini vetoprak bütünlüğünü birinci derecede tehdit ediyor.

Bundan ilgili bütün taraflarınçok dikkatli olması gerekir.

Şimdi gözler, uygulamayı durdurma yönünde son sözü söyleyecek olan Başbakan NuriMaliki’de. Ama konuyla ilgili başbakanlıktan şimdiye kadar kadar henüz bir açıklamayapılmış değil.

Bu da akıllarda soru işaretlerine neden oluyor.
Acaba Başbakan El-Maliki ülkede yapılması planlanan genel seçimlerde, zaferi eldeetmek için bir koalisyon kurma çapalarında olduğu yönünde suskunluğnu koruyor yoksa tavrının uygun zamanı gelmediğini düşünüyor?!

Rüşdi ÇELEBİ

Project to pave road between al-Shirin dam on Lilan road Southern Kerkuk

KIRKUK: Kirkuk's governor laid the cornerstone of a project to pave a road in southern Kirkuk at a total cost of 588 million Iraqi dinars, according to an official source.

26 January 2010
"The governor Abdulrahman Mustapha laid on Tuesday the cornerstone of a project to pave the road between al-Shirin dam on Lilan road in southern Kirkuk," the source told Aswat al-Iraq news agency.
"The cost of the 6km-road will be 588 million Iraqi dinars and will be financed from the water resources ministry's budget," the source told Aswat al-Iraq news agency.
Kirkuk is 250 km north of Baghdad.
© Aswat Aliraq 2010 http://www.zawya.com/Story.cfm/sidZAWYA20100127053541/Cornerstone%20laid%20for%20southern%20Kirkuk%20road

Turkish glamour

By Salama A Salama

It is sad to see the Arab world so eager for a role model, so desperate for a saviour to lead the way. Recently, Turkey became a role model for many Arabs, mostly because of its refusal to kowtow to Israel.

When Israel objected to a Turkish television series showing Israeli agents kidnapping infants, Israel's foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman, summoned the Turkish ambassador to his office, sat him on a low chair, and berated him for his country's perceived misrepresentation of the Israelis. The Turks reacted to the insult, giving Israel an ultimatum and forcing it to apologise.
This was enough to make Turkey a hero in many an Arab eye. Under Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey has grown into a regional power, one that is respected by friend and foe. Turkey may have close military relations with Israel, but this didn't stop it from taking a firm stand on Israel's invasion of Gaza.

Meanwhile, Turkey has amiable relations with Syria, Lebanon and Jordan. It has mediated between Syria and Israel. And it wasn't swayed by the US-Israeli campaign to demonise Iran.
Turkey is no longer the lackey of NATO as it once was. Under Erdogan, it has found its own voice. Was this newfound independence prompted by Europe's rebuff to Turkey's EU membership request? Perhaps so, but the point is that Turkey has reinvented itself as a country with much leverage around the region. Turkey can now rely on strong ties with Arab and Muslim countries to boost its international status.

Remarkably, Turkey hasn't even downgraded its relations with Israel. Since the angry exchange over the ambassador incident, Israel has sent its foreign minister to Ankara to discuss an airplane deal. Turkey is still talking to Israel, and it is not abandoning the Palestinians to their fate.

Compare this to the situation in Egypt, where we're in the middle of a debate about the future president and whether he needs the approval of America and Israel. The debate, triggered by remarks from Mustafa Al-Feki and inviting comments by Hassanein Heikal among others, has only added to the state of political confusion in the country.

Egypt cannot be like Israel and is not trying to be like Turkey. We may have given the US all the leeway it asked for in matters pertaining to the peace process, and yet we are far from achieving anything. Despite all our endeavours, America remains as biased to Israel as before, if not more so. Right now, it seems that America has no leverage on Israel, and yet Egypt and the rest of the Arabs are being asked for more concessions everyday. For now, the Arabs have no say whatsoever in the Middle East peace process.

No wonder we are so blown away by Turkey, a country that not only has close ties with the Americans, the Europeans and the Israelis, but with Iran and other Gulf states.
To be fair, Egypt is too involved in the Middle East conflict to act as Turkey does. Since the Camp David Accords, Egypt has had a historical and moral responsibility towards peace. And it has tried to mediate, albeit its peace efforts have lost it many friends, and introduced certain awkwardness in our politics, as in the case of Gaza.

Recently, civil society and European groups have shown sympathy to Gaza, sympathy that we failed to use to pressure Israel and to further Palestinian reconciliation. Ironically, it was Turkey who interceded to smooth the situation involving relief convoys heading to Gaza.

Al-Ahram Weekly
Al-Ahram Weekly Online : Located at: http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2010/982/op4.htm

Ahmed Chalabi at the Center of Iraq’s Election Scandal

Architect of US Invasion Calling the Shots on Candidate Bans

by Jason Ditz

news.antiwar.com/2010/01/22/ahmed-chalabi-at-the-center-of-iraqs-election-scanda l/


Ahmad Chalabi, left, with President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of Iran.
January 22, 2010Back again like a bad penny, controversial Iraqi politician and architect of the 2003 US invasion Ahmed Chalabi has once again returned to the headlines amid a growing election scandal.

Gone are the days when Chalabi was funneling false information to the Pentagon to justify a war, and the days when he was America’s favorite for a key leadership position in the post-occupation government. But as the head of Iraq’s hastily assembled Justice and Accountability Committee (JAC), he retains surprising power.

The JAC grew out of the de-Ba’athification committee, and were the ones who submitted a list of 500+ candidates for parliament who should be banned for alleged Ba’athist ties. The list was submitted to the Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC), who immediately rubber stamped it.

The move not only effectively destroyed the third largest political bloc in Iraq, but has sparked concerns of a broad-based Sunni boycott. It has also led to questions of the legality of the JAC by President Jalal Talabani.

The details of the ban list have not been made public, but the only major politicians known to be on it are Sunnis. So far not a single member of Chalabi’s INC Party or any of its allies has been named to the list, sparking concerns that Chalabi is using his influence with JAC to undermine key political opponents in March.

It has also sparked charges that Chalabi’s key non-US ally, the Iranian government, is exerting undue influence on the vote. Whatever the case the JAC seems to have greatly benefited sectarian Shi’ite blocs at the expense of the secular alliance of Ayad Allawi and Saleh al-Mutlaq, and done serious potential damage to the election’s credibility.

US and UK Troops Kill Muslims with Christian Inscribed Guns

Craig Murray
http://www.craigmurray.org.uk/archives/2010/01/us_and_uk_troop.html

US and UK soldiers in Afghanistan and Iraq are killing Muslims using guns with optical sights marked with Christian Gospel references, manufactured by Trijicon, an avowedly Christian Evangelical company in the US, which in the past also supplied South African special forces in breach of the international anti-apartheid embargo. Trijicon's website states:

We believe that America is great when its people are good. This goodness has been based on biblical standards throughout our history and we will strive to follow those morals.

http://www.trijicon.com/about.cfm
Peculiarly, having read the Gospels many times, I can't recall Jesus advocating shooting people from a great distance.

Al Jazeera TV showed pictures today of Muslim Afghan commandos involved in fighting the Taliban in Kabul this week, carrying weapons inscribed with the Christian messages. This is highly reminiscent of the belief that bullet cartridges were greased with pig and cow grease, that was a major factor in leading British Indian troops to mutiny in 1857.

It is hard to imagine anything more calculated to upset Musim opinion, and is a vital reminder of exactly what kind of US nutters Blair allied us with.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/newstopics/politics/defence/7028238/Ministry-of-Defence-orders-Bible-guns-for-soldiers-in-Afghanistan.html

THE KURDS LOST A GOLDEN OPPORTUNITY

Orhan Ketene


Jan.20, 2010

Kurds and Turkmens, living together in Northern Iraq for more than a millennium, share many features and values. Beside long historical coexistence and cooperation, both constitute the two main nationalities of the North. They have partnership and neighborly relations that exceed significantly their relations with the Arabs.

Intermarriage is seen on a much wider scale than with Arabs. The economy is another bond that ties both peoples together. Erbil, Kerkuk and Suleymani economies are very much interdependent on each other than with Baghdad.

The best example of cooperation between the two is seen in the Turkmen Atabeg prince of Musul; Imadeddin Zengi and his Kurdish commander Salahaddin Eyyubi, who both changed history during the Crusades.

The last time they fought together was during the Musul Dispute between Turkey and Britain in the twenties of the 20.th century. Both peoples opted to stay with Turkey in opposition to the Arabs whose majority opted to be with Iraq which was under British control. Both of them paid a heavy price for their stand against the British occupiers. The cooperation between the Turkmen resistance leader of Kerkuk Nazim Beg Neftchi and the Kurdish resistance leader of Suleymani, Sheikh Mahmud Berzenji is well known and recorded in history.

After the incorporation of the Musul province into Iraq, the Iraqi governments slowly began to apply the Arabization process. Kurds continued their armed resistance in the mountains against the successive Iraqi governments. Whereas the Turkmens, reluctantly opted for the passive resistance, because their lands could not accommodate any armed struggle. Turkmeneli which stretches from Telafer in the north to Mendeli in central Iraq is a hilly and barren land. Whereas Kurdistan is a mountainous and forested land which is very hard for any army to control.
As a result of Turkmens’ passive resistance, they were marginalized and pushed aside by the successive Iraqi governments.
The Arabization policy started slowly in the thirties and intensified over the years to reach its climax during the Saddam era. In which both Turkmens and Kurds suffered heavily.

The brotherly relations between the two peoples continued. It is well known that some Kurdish families protected Turkmens from criminal communist gangs during the Kerkuk massacre. Also, Turkmen families did protect Kurds fleeing from government prosecution.

In today’s Iraq, the Turkmen and Kurdish educated generations share the same aspirations of a democratic and secular system that wants closer relations with the west, far away from the religious fundamentalism that the Arabs are indulged in.

This shared fate should have produced a cooperation between the two. The Kurds should have made their best effort to include the Turkmens in their struggle against Arabic assimilation and racism.
This effort would have been in the form of recognizing that the Turkmens are their equal partners in Northern Iraq and a fundamental segment of the peoples of the north. They should have recognized Turkmen land, Turkmeneli, from Telafer to Mendeli, and respected their rights in self-determination and even demanded self-governance for the Turkmens just as they wanted that for themselves. They should have accepted that Kerkuk is indeed the cultural and political capital of the Turkmens.

But they didn’t. Instead, the Kurdish politicians followed a wrong strategy that intimidated the Turkmens and pushed them to the opposite side. The Kurds wanted to have it all. They wanted to dominate the whole of northern Iraq and convert it into Kurdistan. Whereas Kurdistan, just like Turkmeneli, is only a part of Northern Iraq.

Since the downfall of the Iraqi monarchy in 1958, the Kurdish politicians’ blind persistence on including Kerkuk into their Kurdistan, have poisoned relations between the two friendly nations to a level unseen before.

They wanted to strip the Turkmens of every national value they had, mainly their towns and cities, especially their capital Kerkuk, by declaring it as the capital or the heart or the Jerusalem of Kurdistan, which is completely unacceptable for the Turkmens.

Moreover, they flooded Kerkuk and other Turkmen cities with hundreds of thousands of Kurds brought from elsewhere and changed the demography of those cities in three years that even Saddam couldn’t accomplish in three decades.

They declared the Turkmens a “small” minority and promised to give them “some” symbolic rights. They even claimed that the majority of the Turkmens were actually Turkmenized Kurds. The Kurdish propaganda flooded the world opinion with disinformation that the Turkmens were a “micro-minority” that doesn’t deserve an autonomy because they live in “small” enclaves here and there. They even reduced the Turkmen history in Iraq from 1500 years to 250 years, dating them back to the latest Ottoman conquest of Sultan Murat IV in the 18.th century.

Virtually, the Kurdish propaganda machine deceived the world about the Turkmens and gave the false impression that millions of Turkmens, who ruled Iraq for thousand years, were actually a minority of a few hundred thousand, scattered across Iraq.

To prove this falsehood about the Turkmens, Kurdish politicians, manipulated the two recent elections in such away that Turkmens were nearly wiped out.

All these efforts to minimize and marginalize this peaceful people, was in fact to confiscate their land which is very rich in oil, minerals and agriculture as well as strategic location.

The result is that the Turkmens are so scared to loose their identity, lands and their beloved city; Kerkuk, that they are forced to cooperate with their former oppressors, the Arabs, who are a mix of ex-Baathists and religious fundamentalists (Shia and Sunni).
The Kurdish politicians’ prevention of a fair Turkmen representation in the parliament pushed Turkmen parties to enter the elections under the banner of Arabian parties. This move is a sign of desperation and is like preferring the jail over execution.
Today, Turkmens have abandoned their demands for autonomy and share in the administration. Their only worry now is how to stop the Kurdish obesity and save their heart (Kerkuk) from falling into Kurdish hands.

This wrong strategy of the Kurdish politicians resulted in loosing a golden opportunity for the Kurds. They lost the valuable support of their natural and strategic partners, the Turkmens, and lead to the isolation of the Kurds from the rest of the Iraqi people. Their only support is from overseas, the US, which will depart one day, leaving the Kurds alone facing the Arab vengeance.


But what if they followed the logical way? What would have happened if they cooperated and worked with the Turkmens?

The situation in Iraq would have been much better and stable. For once, both Kurds and Turkmens with their joint effort as the two dominant powers of the North, would have forced the racist Arabs to abandon their racist policies long before Saddam. They would have both gained autonomy without all this bloodshed and foreign intervention. Both peoples would have enjoyed and prospered under a democratic and secular Iraq. And the most important of all, there wouldn’t be a problem of Kerkuk.

The Kurdish politicians should revise their policies once more before it is too late. The question is: Is it better to continue with their existing policy of intimidating the Turkmens that will end up with a disaster for themselves and for the Turkmens or to accept the Turkmens as their equal partners of the North and have a win-win situation?

The choice is theirs.

Dr. Sadettin Ergeç: Türkmen Gücü Kurulmalı

Ergeç: Türkmen Gücü Kurulmalı


17 Ocak 2010, Pazar


Irak Türkmen Cephesi Başkanı ve Türkmen Milletvekili Dr. Sadettin Ergeç, Türkmeneli bölgelerinin korunması için hükümete bağlı bir Türkmen gücünün oluşturulması isteğini yeniledi

Irak Türkmen Cephesi Başkanı ve Türkmen Milletvekili Dr. Sadettin Ergeç, Türkmen Tuzhurmatu ilçesini ziyaret ederek ilçedeki Türkmenlerin genel durumları hakkında bilgi aldı. Irak Türkmen Cephesi Selahattin İl Başkanlığını ziyaret eden Dr. Ergeç, Irak Türkmen Cephesi Selahattin İl Başkanı Ali Haşim Muhtaroğlu ve diğer yetkililer tarafından karşılandı. Beraberindeki heyetle birlikte Tuzhurmatu ilçesini ziyaret eden Dr. Ergeç, Irak Türkmen Cephesi Selahattin İl Başkanı yetkililerinden ilçenin güvenlik durumu hakkında bilgi alarak bölgedeki son siyasi gelişmeler üzerinde durdu.

Ziyaretçi heyette Irak Türkmen Cephesi Yürütme Kurulu Üyesi ve Kerkük İl Başkanı Erşet Salihi'de yer aldı.

Yapılan ziyarete sevindiklerini belirten Irak Türkmen Cephesi Selahattin İl Başkanı Ali Haşim Muhtaroğlu, yapılan çalışmalar hakkında bilgi vererek Türkmenlerin ilçede karşılaştıkları bazı sıkıntıların üzerinde durdu. Daha sonra Irak Türkmen Cephesi tarafından bir heyet Bağdat-Tuzhurmatu karayolu üzerinde geçirdiği trafik kazası sonucu yaşamını yitiren Türkmen Vefa Hareketi yetkilisi Safattin Kasım için kurulan taziye meclisini ziyaret etti. Irak Türkmen Cephesi Başkanı ve Türkmen Milletvekili Dr. Sadettin Ergeç'in başkanlığındaki heyet taziye merasiminde hazır bulunarak, Türkmen Vefa Hareketi Genel Başkanı ve Türkmen Milletvekili Feryat Tuzlu'ya başsağlığı dileklerinde bulundu.

Tuzhurmatu'da Türkmeneli TV'ye açıklamalarda bulunan Irak Türkmen Cephesi Başkanı Dr. Ergeç, Türkmeneli bölgelerindeki saldırılara tepki göstererek hükümete bağlı bir Türkmen gücünün oluşturulması isteğini yeniledi, Türkmenlere karşı yapılan oyunların büyük olduğuna dikkat çeken Dr. Ergeç, ülkede yapılacak olan parlamento seçimlerin önemine değindi. ITC Türkiye Temsilciliği Enformasyon Şb. Tarafından Türkçeye Çevrilmiştir.



http://www.kerkuk.net/haberler/haber.aspx?dil=1055&metin=2010011629

Irak Türkmen Meclisi, Kerkük'e Gelen Peşmergeleri Bir Kez Daha Reddetti

18 Ocak 2010, Pazartesi.


Irak Türkmen Meclisi: Karma Gücü İçinde Yer Alan Peşmerge Gücü Kerkük'te İstikrarı Bozar

Sözde anlaşmazlıklı bölgelerde görev alacak olan karma güçlerin içinde peşmerge güçlerinin yer almasına Irak Türkmen Meclis'inden de eleştiri geldi.

Irak Türkmen Meclis'inin bugünkü olağan toplantısında yapılan açıklamada bu gelişmenin parlamento seçimleri öncesinde denk getirilmesinin bölgenin istikrarını bozcuğa belirtti. Haftalık olan toplantısını Kerkük'teki Şehit Nejdet Koçak salonunda düzenleyen Irak Türkmen Meclis'inin ana gündem maddesi Kerkük'teki müşterek güç oldu, toplantıda bir konuşma yapan Irak Türkmen Meclisi Başkanı Yunus Bayraktar, her şeyden önce Türkmen şehit günü dolayısıyla tüm şehitlerimize rahmet diledi.

Konuşmasının devamında Bayraktar, Türkmen şehitlerinin uğruna yüce sonuca kadar yer alacağını söyledi.

Toplantıda ayrıca yeni siyasi projelerde ele alındı, bu projeler arasında bulunan 2010 yılı için Irak'ın kültür başkenti olarak seçilen Kerkük'teki Türkmen kültürünü herkese göstermek ve Türkmence eğitimini geliştirmek yer alıyor. Toplantıda 7 Mart'ta yapılacak olan parlamento seçimleri ve seçim hazırlıkları da ele alındı.

Irak Türkmen Meclisi Kerkük ve sözlü anlaşmazlıklı bölgelerde görev alacak olan karma gücü içinde peşmergelerin yer alması ise bir kez daha reddetti.

ITC Türkiye Temsilciliği

Enformasyon Şb. Tarafından Türkçeye Çevrilmiştir

http://www.kerkuk.net/haberler/haber.aspx?dil=1055&metin=2010011834

Splendid Treasures of the Turkmen Tribes from Central Asia

April 24 to July 18, 2010
http://www.ringling.org/Exhibitions2.aspx?id=6994


The Turkmen are a Turkic people located primarily in the Central Asian states of Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, northern Iraq and northeastern Iran. They speak the Turkmen language which is classified as a part of the Western Oghuz branch of the Turkic languages family. Today the term of Turkmen is usually restricted to two Turkic groups: the Turkmen people of Turkmenistan and adjacent parts of Central Asia, and the Turkmen of Iraq and Syria. With about five million people, the Turkmen are the third most numerous of the Central Asian peoples after the Kazakhs and Uzbeks.

Throughout their history they have pursued largely nomadic or semi-nomadic lifestyles, where wealth was measured in horses, sheep and goats as well as silver jewelry. The Turkmen, practice mainly Sunni Islam, but hold to pre-Islamic customs and traditions, a blending of the old and new which is common in many Islamic societies. They consider themselves to be descendants of an ancestor known as Oghuz Khan. Turkmen rugs, coats, and jewelry that are focused upon by this exhibition are rich with aesthetic beauty and symbols from their ancient culture. For the Turkmen silversmiths who made it and the Turkmen people who wore it during special ceremonies and festivals, as well as in their daily life, this jewelry, apart from its economic value, implied a continuing attachment to their mythical ancestors, a wish for many children and a belief that the symbolic power of this jewelry could ward off evil spirits.

Mr. Stephen Van C. Wilberding purchased a large group of Turkmen jewelry, as well as some rugs and coats, in Saudi Arabia in 1984-1989 when he was living in Riyadh as Senior Advisor to the Saudi central bank. The work involved running the kingdom’s $150 billion of reserves and advising on economic policy matters. At that time, Afghan traders were bringing out the jewelry obtained from Turkmen living in northern Afghanistan to sell during the final period of Russian occupation. In 2009, Mr. Wilberding donated 69 Turkmen pieces, including 68 pieces of jewelry and one armless coat, which were made from the 19th to early 20th century, to the Ringling Museum of Art. Focusing upon this collection, this exhibition casts a new and fascinating light on Turkmen culture, as well as advances our understanding of Turkmen people.

Iraq Political Fissures Widen as March Vote Nears

Dahr Jamail

t r u t h o u t , January 17, 2010

With all attention on Afghanistan as violence and US troop commitment there surges, the occupation in Iraq has received less attention in recent months than it has since the invasion of Iraq took place in March 2003.

However, national elections in Iraq, originally scheduled to take place this month, but postponed until March 7, rather than possibly bringing greater stability to war-torn Iraq, now threaten to reignite a powder keg of political tensions that has been simmering for years.

Last week, the Shiite-sectarian political power brokers in Baghdad, led by US-appointed Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, used the so-called Iraq Accountability and Justice Commission (AJC), (a remnant group of the former De-Baathification Commission set up by L. Paul Bremer, the US czar of Iraq during the first year of the occupation and led by Ahmed Chalabi), on January 7 to ban at least 14 largely Sunni political parties and political figures from the upcoming vote due to supposed links to the Baath Party, which has long since been banned in Iraq.

The AJC claims that its decision was based on new "evidence" showing connections between the 14 groups and the Baath Party, but has thus far failed to produce any said evidence.

On January 5, the Saudi-owned London-based daily newspaper Al-Hayat wrote of this: "The independent Iraqi Election Commission has revealed that it has received an interpretation from the Iraqi Supreme Federal Court in regard to the seventh article of the constitution, which prohibits Ba'thist participation in all elections and also the participation of any Ba'th allies or supporters in any political activity. It is important to note that this decision could lead to the exclusion of fourteen political parties and groups from the electoral process."

The commission's president Faraj al-Haydari was quoted in that regard by Al-Hayat as saying: "We have received the Federal Court's interpretation regarding some political entities which were first included in the electoral process but will be excluded from the process altogether in light of this recent court decision. The Federal Court considered that any politician or party involved in terrorist activities, or enjoying Ba'thist ideas, must be excluded. This decision considers that, based on Article 7 of the constitution, these people should be excluded from any political participation and from public life."

The most important figure banned, thus far, was Saley al-Mutlaq, a secular Sunni leader, whose National Dialogue Front is very popular among Iraq's largely disenfranchised Sunni population. Mutlaq was likely targeted by Maliki in this pre-emptive political assassination attempt because in recent months he has effectively created a powerful bloc of opposition that would challenge both Maliki and the broader Shiite political alliance to which he belongs, which is comprised of the likes of Muqtada al-Sadr's group, the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq, and Chalabi.

While Iraq's government still could, theoretically, decide to void the aforementioned ban, the move has created outrage across Iraq, threatened to reignite sectarian violence and civil war that ravaged the country throughout 2006-2007, and would inevitably cause the more than 120,000 US troops in Iraq to, rather than see their numbers decline, remain and possibly increase.

Mutlaq's political bloc, which includes former Interim Prime Minister Iyad Allawi and the prominent Sunni leader Tariq al-Hashemi, is now threatening to boycott the March election, as Reuters reported on January 9:"The 'Iraqi List,' headed by Vice President Tariq al-Hashemi, a Sunni Arab, former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi, a secular Shi'ite, and MP Salih al-Mutlaq, an influential secular Sunni politician, blasted the decision from an independent state committee to ban al-Mutlaq from the elections."

Likely in response to Mutlaq's threat of boycott, and to use fear to consolidate power, on January 12, Iraqis in Baghdad awoke to find their capital city locked down and streets sealed off, with rumors flying that there had been a Baathist coup.

With a Sunni and secular-Shia political boycott of the March elections, and the ensuing lack of political representation in Baghdad, the threat of large-scale violence looms large.
President Barack Obama's current stated promise is to draw down US forces in Iraq to around 50,000 by this August, and remove those forces by the end of 2011 (with the usually unstated caveat that at least 50,000 US troops will remain in Iraq indefinitely). This appears very unlikely even without a large boycott of the upcoming vote and the likely violence that would explode as a result, as the current Obama plan would, since US forces are expected to remain above 120,000 until after the elections, mean that at least 70,000 troops would be withdrawn in only five months.

Meanwhile, evidence of further political turmoil arose on January 12 when Iraqi Speaker Ayad al-Samarraie, told the newspaper Asharq al-Awsat, "I can also tell you that our efforts [toward government accountability] were met with opposition from the government, which did not like having someone watching over its head. They thought that we were practicing our prerogatives in order to topple the government and bring it down, which is, of course, not true at all. We wanted to fight corruption, but our efforts were met with anger and rejection from a significant number of ministers. They refused to come to parliament for questioning, thinking that was a humiliation for them."

Al-Samarraie said this about the government response to his anti-corruption efforts: "If the prime minister has something on his mind, let him express it, but the final decision belongs to the parliamentary blocs. I told the prime minister on many occasions that, if you strongly believe in something, let your parliamentary bloc work to implement it. But, if your bloc is not up to the task, do not blame me for that," and added that the government, particularly Prime Minister Maliki, wants "... the speaker to be powerless, but that will not be the case. We are not in a dictatorial regime and I will never be a figurehead. Many attempts were made to topple me, but they have all failed."

A statement by the head of the European Parliament's delegation for relations with Iraq, Scottish lawmaker Struan Stevenson, cited Mutlaq's "uncompromising positions" against Iran's "meddling" in Iraq as the "true" reason behind the decision to ban him from the upcoming election.

In another move, in response to charges of sectarianism in banning political groups and individuals from the March 7 vote who have alleged ties to the banned Sunni party, the commission said it also intends to ban Shiite opposition parties that are affiliated with the Sunni parties that are accused of Baathist affiliations.

It is important to note that Maliki was an Iraqi in exile in Tehran from 1982-1990, then remained in Syria before returning to Iraq after the US invasion of 2003. Maliki, who is also the secretary general of the Islamic Dawa Party, worked as a political officer for the Dawa while in Syria, developing close ties with Hezbollah and Iran.

Maliki's government has also been busy recently conducting mass arrests of hundreds of young men in predominantly Sunni areas of Iraq. While the vast majority of Iraqis are nonsectarian, the US-backed government in Baghdad continues to carry out acts that blatantly foment violent sectarianism, evidenced by the article "Mass Arrests Reported in Sunni Areas in Iraq" in the Azzaman newspaper on January 4 that stated: "Iraqi security forces have launched a wide campaign in Sunni Muslim-dominated neighborhoods of Baghdad and towns and cities to the north and west of the capital" and "the campaign is said to be the widest by the government in years and has led to an exodus of people to the Kurdish north."

Those arrested have been accused of illegal membership in the Awakening Council.
Family members of those being arrested are not told where their loved ones are being held, only that those arrested will remain behind bars until after the elections. In addition, there have been government sweeps collecting other members of the once US-backed Awakening Council, a group of nearly 200,000 Sunni militiamen, who the US paid off to stop their attacks against occupation forces, but have since been cut free of US support, at least officially.
The Councils were originally founded by the Bush administration to help combat al-Qaeda in Iraq.

The Judicial Council, that is run by Iraq's Interior Ministry, last week passed 77 death sentences in Baghdad, all targeting men accused of terrorism, mostly from the Sunni community.
Maliki's clampdown on the Sunnis also happens to coincide with the recent release of Qais Khazali, a popular Shiite cleric who was jailed in March 2007. Khazali was an associate of Muqtada al-Sadr, but was expelled from Sadr's Mehdi Army militia in 2004. It is believed Khazali will be used by Maliki in the March vote to counterbalance the Sadrist bloc that is now running for Parliament in March in a coalition that does not include Maliki.

Maliki's recent targeting of his Sunni and secular Shiite political opponents likely stems from an attempt to salvage what he can of his deteriorating political power. With violence again escalating in Iraq with recent widespread bombings, Maliki has also lost face on the Iraqi street, as his reputation of having improved security in Iraq is now stained with Iraqi blood.

Maliki's political bloc, the State of Law Alliance (SoL), which had the support of the majority of Sunnis during Iraq's provincial elections in January 2009, has now effectively lost that support by these recent clampdowns on the Awakening Council and Sunni politicians like Mutlaq.
Mutlaq has vowed to seek to overturn the decision through the country's Supreme Court or, if necessary, the United Nations.

If he fails, and a Sunni and secular Shia boycott of the March 7 vote happens, a growing fear of major resumption of armed resistance activities looms large.

http://www.truthout.org/iraq-political-fissures-widen-march-vote-nears56104

Revealed: Jack Straw’s secret warning to Tony Blair on Iraq

Michael Smith
The Sunday Times
January 17, 2010


A “SECRET and personal” letter from Jack Straw, the then foreign secretary, to Tony Blair reveals damning doubts at the heart of government about Blair’s plans for Iraq a year before war started.

The letter, a copy of which is published for the first time today, warned the prime minister that the case for military action in Iraq was of dubious legality and would be no guarantee of a better future for Iraq even if Saddam Hussein were removed.
It was sent 10 days before Blair met George Bush, then the US president, in Crawford, Texas, in April 2002. The document clearly implies that Blair was already planning for military action even though he continued to insist to the British public for almost another year that no decision had been made.

To read further please click on:
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/politics/article6991087.ece

Gorran Fraction on organized political crimes in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq

Gorran (Change) Fraction to direct a memo to the relevant entities on escalating the security disorder and organized political crimes in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq

On escalating the security disorder and organized political crimes in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, Gorran (Change) Fraction has directed a memo to each of the President of Kurdistan Region-Iraq, the President of Kurdistan Parliament-Iraq, the Prime Minister of Kurdistan Region, the Presidency Council of the Republic of Iraq, the President of Iraqi Parliament, the Iraqi Prime Minister, International Human Rights Watch Organization, European Parliament, UNAMI, and foreign consulates and embassies in Erbil and Baghdad. It’s stated as follows:


Over the past period of time, a sort of agitation and security disrupt has spread out in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in general and in Sulaimaniyah Province and its suburbs in particular. As this development has worried the people of Kurdistan Region, it has included a form of organized political crimes which has targeted Gorran Fraction’s activists and parliament members, especially in the areas where Gorran List was the top winner in the past July 25 parliamentary elections.

The last but not the least event of such developments is the arson of Kurdistan Parliament Member Ms. Seewail Osman Ahmed’s office in Koya. It happened on December 30 2009 at 8:30 pm by unidentifiedperpetrators leading to material damage, but luckily no casualties.
As we denounce such cowardly attack on the premises of one of our Fraction’s female parliament members, we reiterate that this attack is a part of a series of assaults and security disrupt that has recently spread out in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in general and in Sulaimaniyah Province and its suburbs in particular.

This series of organized political crimes started with the punishment and deprivation of Gorran movement’s activists and voters in the areas where Iraqi President Jalal Talabani-led Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) still in power that lost in the abovementioned elections, meanwhile a media campaign by PUK is in instant increase and getting more intense in attacking on Gorran Movement.

Since September 2009, political crimes against Gorran Movement’s activists and friends have witnessed a physically direct approach starting by abduction, wounding, shooting, even up to physical clearance.

The followings are examples of such developments:

1- Mr. Soran Abdul-Qadir’s abduction in front of NPA Headquarters, an Norwegian NGO, in Sulaimaniyah on September 14th, 2009, who was found somewhere in Kirkuk following sever torture and beating.

2- The attack of a group of unidentified gunmen on Brigadier Dara Tofique in Sulaimaniyah on November 7th, 2009 and beating him almost to death. They got away when people knew about the incident and Mr. Tofique was left severely wounded.

3- Cornering, beating, wounding, setting automobiles on fire, seizing media equipments belonging to journalists by the security officials.

4- Resorting to murdering and shooting to kill against several political activists of Gorran Movement where they have severely been wounded and one of them has lost his life, such as:

· Shooting at Mr. Sardar Qadir, a Gorran Movement activist, in the city center of Sulaimaniyah
Province on December 4th, 2009. Consequently he was injured.

· Shooting at Mr. Yassin Abdullah Salih, a Gorran Movement activist, in Sulaimaniyah Province on the evening of December 19th, 2009.

· Shooting at Mr. Burhan Hama Mulla Ramazan, a Gorran Movement activist, in Shandar Village,
Sharazoor District in Sulaimaniyah Province on the night of December 22nd, 2009.
Consequently the bullets inflicted his belly.

· Shooting at Mr. Bakhtyar Sheik Osman, a Gorran Movement activist, by a group of unidentified
gunmen on December 27th, 2009.

· Murder of Mr. Raauf Zarayani, a Gorran Movement activist, in front of his house in Halabjay Taza Town.

By all means, this series of developments is considered as organized political crimes against a given political group. While hoping this series of offenses is not a state terrorism in Kurdistan Region, we’re deeply concerned about the inattention reflected by the security and official institutions as well as the lack of results of the investigations into such events.


Therefore, we evidently hold the President of Kurdistan Region responsible for safeguarding the citizens’ lives in the region being legally the Chief Commander of Armed and Security Forces in the Kurdistan Region.

We hold Iraqi President Jalal Talabani responsible as well who contrary to the New Iraqi Constitution is the Chief Commander of Kurdistan Peshmerga Forces and holds absolute military and security powers in Sulaimaniyah Province and its suburbs.

In the meantime, we ask the President of Kurdistan Parliament to immediately hold an urgent parliamentary session, as proposed by the three parliamentary fractions of Gorran, Islamic Union, and Islamic Group, to address the recent security disrupts and upheavals happening in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq

Kind regards,

Gorran Fraction in the Parliament of Kurdistan Region-Iraq
Erbil, Kurdistan Region-Iraq
December 31st, 2009

الدائرة الإعلامية
العدد175
التاريخ 15 كانون الثاني 2010
يوم الشهيد التركماني، يوم عهد ووفاء




يقف الشعب التركماني كل سنة في السادس عشر من كانون الثاني إجلالا لأرواح الشهداء التركمان الخالدين جميعهم الذين كتبوا سفر النضال التركماني لأجل الحقوق و الأرض بدمائهم
في مثل هذا اليوم من 1980، استشهد غدرا أربعة من قادة التركمان، في مقدمتهم الشهيد الرمز الدكتور نجدت قوجاق والشهداء الأبرار الزعيم عبد الله عبد الرحمن و الدكتور رضا دميرجي و رجل الأعمال عادل شريف. لقد مضوا بإصرار وثبات على المبادئ و لم يتنازلوا عن إيمانهم بحقوق التركمان و التزامهم بأرضهم و لغتهم و ثقافتهم و حضارتهم
إن دماء الشهداء الأبرار كانت و ستظل حافزا لاستمرار النضال التركماني لأجل انتزاع كافة الحقوق
و لإثبات بأن التركمان الذين يشكلون القومية الثالثة في العراق، رقم صعب في المعادلة العراقية التي لن تستقر دونهم
أن أرواح شهداءنا الأبرار ترفرف أينما وجدت مدرسة تركمانية و نضال تركماني و شباب تركماني
لا يخشى في حقوقه الغدر و البطش و الطغيان و أينما تحققت وحدة الصف التركماني
و عهد منّا جميعا أن نكون أوفياء للدم التركماني الطاهر،و أن نلتزم بوصايا الشهداء و أن نكون يدا بيد، فيد الله مع يد الجماعة
و لشهدائنا الجنة بإذن الله، و لنا العمل الجاد ليرتاح دم الشهيد الذي رسم لنا معالم طريق النضال. و ستبقى الراية شامخة بعون الله



الجبهة التركمانية العراقية
الدائرة الإعلامية


العنوان: كركوك- طريق بغداد-
قرب بناية المحافظة


Adres:Kerkük. Bağdat yolu. Valilik binası yanında
Itc_media@yahoo.com

الدائرة الإعلامية
العدد176
التاريخ 16 كانون الثاني 2010


الجبهة التركمانية العراقية تستنكر تفجيرات النجف الاشرف



تستنكر الجبهة التركمانية العراقية التفجيرات الغادرة التي استهدفت المواطنين الأبرياء في مدينة النجف الاشرف يوم الخميس 15 / كانون الثاني / 2010 والتي أدت إلى استشهاد 25 مواطنا بريئا وجرح العشرات

إن الجبهة إذ تدين مثل هذه الأعمال الإرهابية التي تطال المواطنين الأبرياء و تؤدي إلى استنزاف دماء المسلمين خاصة في شهر محرم الحرام , فإنها تطالب الحكومة العراقية بمطاردة الجناة والقائمين على مثل هذه الأعمال في عموم العراق حفاظا على أرواح أبناء الشعب العراقي وتكرر مطالباتها السابقة بوجوب الكشف عن سبب الانتهاكات الأمنية التي حصدت أرواح المئات من العراقيين الأبرياء في الآونة الأخيرة








الجبهة التركمانية العراقية
الدائرة الإعلامية




العنوان: كركوك- طريق بغداد-
قرب بناية المحافظة



Adres:Kerkük. Bağdat yolu. Valilik binası yanında
Itc_media@yahoo.com

IRAQ AFFECTED BY DROUGHT IN TWO CONSECUTIVE YEARS (map)

IRAQ AFFECTED BY DROUGHT IN TWO CONSECUTIVE YEARS

to see map please click on:


http://www.iauiraq.org/maps/IAU_Drought_2008_2009_0V3.pdf

Basın Bildirisi

15 Ocak 2010, Cuma.


Türkmen liderlerimizin şehit edilişinin, 30. yılı münasebeti ile ITC TT bir basın bildirisi yayınladı.

Şehit Liderlerimizi Rahmetle Anıyoruz

Irak Türkmenleri bulunduğu coğrafyada bir çok acı olayla yaşamıştır. Yapılan haksızlıklar ve katliamların ardı arkası kesilmemiş, sistematik olarak uygulanmıştır. Türkmenlerin yok edilmesini amaçlayan bu harekât; birçok masum Türkmen'i yakalatarak işkencelere tabi tutmuş, onlarca yıl hapse mahkûm ettirmiş ve bazılarını ölüm cezasına çarptırmıştır. 2003 sonrası biteceği düşünülen baskı ve katliamlar, ne yazık ki artarak devam etmiş, her yıl yüzlerce vatandaşımız kimlikleri yüzünden çoluk, çocuk, kadın yaşlı demeden şehit edilmiştir.

Bütün bu yaşanan olumsuzluklara rağmen mücadelemiz devam etmektedir. Yolumuzda bize güç veren şey, daha önce halkımız için şehit olan ve bu emaneti bize bırakan şühedaların vasiyetidir.
Irak Türkmenlerinin verdiği mücadele tarihinde 16 Ocak 1980'in büyük bir yeri vardır.

O tarihte Irak Türkmenlerinin önde gelen en büyük şahsiyetleri idam edilerek, Türkmen Toplumunu derin acılara boğan bir matem günü yaşatmıştır. Uzun yıllar Bağdat'taki Türkmen Kardaşlık Ocağı'nın başkanlığını yapan Emekli Albay Abdullah Abdurrahman, değerli bilim adamı olan ve yüzlerce öğrenci yetiştirerek, topluma büyük hizmette bulunan Doç. Dr. Necdet Koçak, toplum tarafından sevilen iş adamı Adil Şerif gibi önemli şahsiyetler, o tarihte idam edilmişlerdir.

Daha önce bunlarla beraber tutuklanmış olmasına rağmen, büyük bir ihtimalle insanlık dışı işkencelere dayanamayarak şehit olan değerli bilim adamı Dr. Rıza Demirci'nin ise vefat tarihini bilmiyoruz. Bu bakımdan aynı kaderi paylaşmış bu dört dava arkadaşını, aynı tarihte şahadet mertebesine erişmiş kabul ediyoruz.

Büyük Dava adamları ölüme yaklaşırken bile davasını düşünür, işte Necdet Koçak'ta böyle bir dava adamıydı. İdam edilmeden önce son söz olarak ailesi ve kendisini görmeye müsaade edilen, dava arkadaşlarına, dolayısıyla gelecek nesillere şunları nasihat ediyordu.

"Arkadaşlar, ağaç budandıkça yeşerir. Sizden ricam davayı bırakmayın ve sürdürmeye devam edin. Ben şu anda her zamankinden daha huzurluyum. Allah'ımın huzuruna gönül rahatlığıyla çıkıyorum. Bayrağı size teslim ediyorum. Bu bayrağı şerefle taşıyacağınızdan eminim. Doğruluktan ve Allah'ın yolundan asla şaşmayın. Allah'a emanet olunuz."

Milli davaların, o dava uğruna mücadele ederek, şehit olanları, o yolda can verenlerin kanları ile can kazanacağı unutulmamalıdır. "Toprak eğer uğrunda ölen varsa vatandır" sözünün, bu ideali en güzel biçimde ifade ettiğine inanıyoruz. Bu bakımdan, Millî Mücadele yolunda can veren dava adamlarını her zaman coşku ile anmak, bu yüce şahsiyetleri yeni kuşaklara anlatarak tanıtmak görevi, yine bu yolda mücadele eden dava adamlarına düşer.

Bu yüzden bizde bu konuda yüklendiğimiz misyona uygun olarak, değerli liderlerimizi rahmetle anıyoruz. Türkmen toplumu olarak, sevilen liderlerimizi hiç bir zaman unutmayacağız.

Davamızın gücünü, mücadelemizin hızını onlardan alacağız.

Irak Türkmen Cephesi

Türkiye Temsilciliği

Tensions rising between PUK and CHANGE Movement

niqash Sardar Muhammad fri 08 jan 10
http://www.niqash.org/content.php?contentTypeID=75&id=2581&lang=0


The Movement for Change (CM), Kurdistan’s second-largest political party, has said it will not tolerate any further attacks on its members after two recent incidents, one of which left a CM activist dead. The fatal attack took place in Halabja, a town in al-Sulaymaniyah Governorate on 25 December 2009 but there were a handful of further attacks across the governorate.

A security official said there was no political or party motivation behind the attacks, merely personal animosities. But CM members disagreed. “The recent events are very much linked to the electoral competition” between the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Movement for Change, Babekir Daraei, a leading CM figure, told Niqash. “There is lots of injustice practiced against the the Movement for Change in Kurdistan. One of our members was assassinated and there were assaults launched against others.” “All those who were attacked are members of the Change List and we can no more tolerate and turn a blind eye to such acts,” added Daraei, who will be standing in the Iraqi national parliamentary elections in March.

The Movement for Change, or Change List, was launched in 2009 by Nawshiran Mustafa, a former deputy secretary general of Jalal al-Talabani. Mustafa resigned from the PUK in 2008 on the heels of internal party conflicts and formed Wisha, a media company which owns Rozhnama newspaper, a radio station called Voice of Change, a website and KNN, an international satellite channel. Mustafa competed for parliamentary elections in 2009 as leader of the newly-formed Change List and won over tens of thousands of disaffected PUK and KDP voters and even members. His new party won 25 seats out of 110 in the Kurdistan parliament, reducing the PUK-KDP share to 59, an overall majority of just four seats. Turnout was recorded as reaching an astonishing 78 per cent.

The Change Movement has recently started to prepare itself for Iraq’s parliamentary elections, scheduled to take place in March 2010, with an independent list. Many observers say that the movement will face fierce competition from the PUK (rather than the DPK, the PUK’s principal partner in the governing Kurdistan List), since the CM has its largest following in PUK areas.

The prospect of the election has emboldened some of CM’s candidates to speak out against what they perceive as a concerted campaign of intimidation against them. Babekir told Niqash that CM is looking for the regional presidency to “arrest those who are behind the attacks and hold them accountable for their acts.” But he complained that “no such steps have yet been taken.” In the last two months attacks were launched against more than eight CM members in al-Sulaymaniyah province, considered a PUK stronghold.

One of the Movement’s offices and one of its vehicles were burnt. Two unknown armed men attacked one of the CM’s members in front of his house in the city center of al-Sulaymaniyah on 17 November, wounding him in several places, including the head. On the evening of 2 December, a number of armed men fired their guns on a CM member in al-Sulaymaniyah, injuring him in his chest and stomach. A third attack took place in Sayed Sadeq City, in al-Sulaymaniyah, on 22 December. Finally, on 25 December a number of armed men attacked Raouf Zarayni in front of his house in Halabja, a town in al-Sulaymaniyah, and killed him.

None of the attackers have yet been found or charged. Qader Hamma Jan, a member of the PUK and the security director general in Kurdistan said that there are no political motives behind the attack. Hamma told Niqash that the PUK condemns such attacks regardless of the perpetrators and stressed that there are no assassinations based on political motives. “All these attacks are based on personal and tribal conflicts with no political reason behind them whatsoever,” he explained. But Babekir said in reply that he was “surprised to hear that all these incidents, which have only targeted members of Change movement, are considered ‘personal conflicts’. Why, then, are only members of our movement attacked and not others?” he asked.

Growing competition is sparking a war of words between the two parties. At a PUK meeting in October 2009, the media reported Jalal al-Talabani describing CM as “working against the Kurds’ interests” and accusing his former deputy, Nawshiran Mustafa, of “being against the federation, the Peshmerga (Kurdish fighters), and against the annexation of the city of Kirkuk.”

Responding to the comments, Nashirwan said that Talabani’s accusations fostered violence against the CM. “Talabani’s words were the green light for the attacks,” he said. "All the attacks that took place and those to come are the responsibility of Talabani and the PUK.”

The violent attacks on CM members and the lack of ensuing arrests had created a strong belief among Kurds that there is a “well organized campaign to frighten members and supporters of the Movement in Iraq,” he added.

Adding weight to his words were the numerous job losses and job refusals suffered by politicians and civil servants who voted for CM in 2009’s legislative elections. But Qader Hamma Jan, the head of the general security across Iraqi Kurdistan, said that such acts are rare because they contravene PUK political ethics. Referring to the lack of arrests and evidence, Hamma said “We will exert every possible effort to identify those who launched the attacks.” Babekir criticized Hamma for allowing himself to become politicized. “Security apparatuses should not take sides and should not be used by any party against the other because their duty is to protect everybody on equal terms and to be impartial,” he said.

"An Iraq of Its Regions" Cornerstones of a Federal Democray?

An Iraq of Its Regions
Cornerstones of a Federal Democracy?
AEI
By Michael Rubin Middle East Quarterly Wednesday, January 13, 2010




Federalism remains a dominant political debate in post-Saddam Iraq, and while Western commentators often focus on Iraqi Kurdistan, in reality, Iraqi discussions are broader. Visser, a research fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, explains, "Villages, towns, and regions have shaped identities: the people of southern Iraq, for instance, often think of themselves as 'Qurnawis' or 'Basrawis' or just 'Southerners' rather than as 'Shiites' or 'Sunnis.'"

Indeed, Visser persuades us that the conventional wisdom that Iraq is an amalgam of three Ottoman provinces--one Sunni, one Shi'i, and one Kurdish--is wrong for that identity is more complex and disparate. Sorbonne historian Alastair Northedge fleshes out this point more with the definitive essay tracing the development of Iraqi identity prior to the Ottoman trifurcation of the region, while Richard Schofield of King's College London sketches a useful outline of the drawing of modern Iraqi boundaries.

Visser's introduction to An Iraq of Its Regions (Columbia University Press, 2008) is detailed and well-grounded in historiography. So, too, is his contribution on the two regions of southern Iraq. He argues persuasively that much of the Western media misinterpreted Iraqi Shi'i leader 'Abdul 'Aziz Hakim's demand for a single southern, federal region, and that discussion in southern Iraq revolves around two regions: the Basra-Amara-Nasiriya triangle and another in the Middle Euphrates region, although he also describes minor variations that arise from time to time.

Exeter University scholars Fanar Haddad and Sajjad Rizvi's contribution on fitting Baghdad into the federalist discourse pales next to Visser's work, but after a somewhat disjointed discussion of federalism in other countries and federalism "from above" as opposed to "from below," they persuasively show through interviews the fears that many Baghdadis have that federalism might lead to the dissolution of the state.

University of Haifa historian Ronen Zeidel reprises his thesis on regionalism around Iraqi president Saddam Hussein's home town of Tikrit in a separate chapter. Utilizing several Arabic histories and other sources, Zeidel writes a definitive, local history of Tikrit from the sixteenth century through the present day with a special emphasis on the rise of the Tikritis in the Iraqi military and power structure in the second half of the twentieth century. Zeidal shows that the primacy of Tikriti regional identity did not survive Saddam's overthrow, since Tikriti refusal to fight advancing coalition forces shattered regional solidarity. De-Baathification hit Tikrit hard. To cope, many residents subordinated the regional identity about which they had been so proud to a broader Sunni identity.

An essay by James Denselow, a doctoral candidate at King's College, London, is the only true disappointment in the collection. Rather than provide a survey of Mosul equivalent in depth to Visser's or Zeidel's contributions, Denselow substitutes historical background for a survey of secondary sources by authors like Avi Shlaim, Rashid Khalidi, and Juan Cole, none of whom ever visited Iraq and whose writing accordingly tends toward the polemical. Denselow's failure to address the consolidation of Mosul's identity after Saddam's fall, the struggles to reverse gerrymandering around Sinjar, Tel Afar's unique identity, and issues surrounding the resurgence across the border of Kurdish nationalism in Qamishli, the largest town in eastern Syria, are omissions that raise questions about why the editors did not seek revision before inclusion. Meanwhile, Denselow's discussion of the artificiality and porousness of the Syria-Iraq border is nothing new; his conclusion that "informed quarters" recognize that the Syrians have done their utmost to secure the border reads more like an academic's attempt to secure Syrian good will than a work of scholarly integrity.

University of Exeter historian Gareth Stansfield and his colleague Hashem Ahmadzadeh show a mastery of Iraqi Kurdish issues in a chapter that examines Kurdish and Kurdistani identities. The authors look both at the political debate in Iraqi Kurdistan--where the former term refers to ethnic identity and the latter is a way to signal equality in Iraqi Kurdistan for non-Kurdish residents, be they Turkmen, Chaldean, Assyrian, or Arab--and at the Kurdistani term's original pan-Kurdish overtones. Kurdish historical writing is notorious for unsourced claims and a retroactive imposition of nationalism. Both authors avoid this pitfall and provide a well-researched narrative, although Stansfield's penchant for vanity footnotes distracts. Still, "Kurdish or Kurdistanis? Conceptualising Regionalism in the North of Iraq" should be required reading for anyone seeking to understand Iraqi Kurdish politics.

Few edited collections have value greater than a single constituent essay. An Iraq of Its Regions is an exception--Visser and Stansfield have assembled a unique work that should become the handbook for any serious discussion of Iraqi regionalism.

Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at AEI.
Photo credit: Columbia University Press, 2008
http://www.aei.org/article/101526

Bilgilendirme

09 Ocak 2010, Cumartesi.


ITC TT, bir internet sitesinde yapılan asılsız bir haber için bilgilendirme mesajı yayınladı.

Kerkük Feneri isimli sitede 8 Ocak 2010 tarihli "ŞOK İDDİA... ITC Başkanı ERGEÇ Kerkük'te Gözaltına Alındı" başlıklı haber gerçek dışı ve baştan aşağı hayal mahsulüdür. Türkmen kamuoyunun bu tip dedikodu merkezli haber ve haberlere itibar etmemesini önemle rica ederiz.

Irak Ulusal Meclisi Kerkük Milletvekili olan Irak Türkmen Cephesi Lideri Dr. Sadettin Ergeç'in Milletvekili olması hasebiyle, dokunulmazlığı olduğu herkes tarafından bilinmesine rağmen, "nasıl oluyorda gözaltına alınabiliniyorun" sorgusu bile yapılmadan; kasıtlı olarak yapılan bu haber de iyi niyet aramak mümkün değildir.

Mezkur sitenin benzer gerçek dışı haberleri Türkmen Kamuoyu tarafından farklı zamanlarda gözlemlenmiştir. Bu tip haberler Türkmen davasında zarar vermekten başka bir şey vermeyecektir.

Karışıklık çıkarmak maksadıyla üretilen asılsız bu habere itibar edilmemesini rica ediyoruz.

Bu konu hakkında hukuki işlemler başlatılmıştır.

Kamuoyunun bilgisine sunulur,

Sadun Köprülü
Irak Türkmen Cephesi
Türkiye Temsilcisi

Interview with al-Balawi's wife

Juan Cole's Informed Comment blog:

AP has a video interview with al-Balawi's Turkish wife, in which she traces his radicalization to the brutal US occupation of neighboring Iraq, including reports of the rape of Iraqi women by US troops at Abu Ghraib (where much of the torture had sexual overtones) and the US destruction of the city of Fallujah in November-December 2004.

The Forgotten Turkmen Land: DIYALA

ORSAM
Strategic Information Management and
Independent Thought Production

Report No: 7
November 2009

Summary........................................................................................................................................
Introduction..................................................................................................................................
1. General Information................................................................................................................
2. What is the Strategic Importance of Diyala?........................................................................
3. The Social Situation.................................................................................................................
4. Diyala’s Turkmen Populations and Demographic Structure..............................................
5. The Economic Situation..........................................................................................................
6. Comments on the Political Situation.....................................................................................
7. Suggestions for the Amelioration of the Situation in Diyala..............................................


To read the report please click on:
http://www.orsam.org.tr/en/enUploads/Article/Files/20091126_sayi7_eng.pdf

Interview with Iraqi Turkmen Front Chairman Sadettin Ergeç

Dr. Sadettin Ergeç, Iraqi Turkmen Front Chairman, Iraqi Parliament Kerkuk Deputy

http://www.orsam.org.tr/en/showArticle.aspx?ID=137


As Iraq is entering a critical phase, ORSAM held an interview with Iraqi Turkmen Front Chairman Saadettin Ergeç on December 25 at the ITF Turkish representative office about the future of the Turkmen society in Iraq. Ergeç shared his opinions regarding politics in Iraq, the electoral law, pre-electoral alliances, developments in Kerkuk, the situation of the Turkmens and relations between Turkey and Turkmens.

Full text

Blackwater Settles Massacre Lawsuit by Paying Families of Dead Iraqis $100,000 Each

Blackwater says it is “pleased” with the outcome.
By Jeremy Scahill

rebelreports.com/post/321904739/blackwater-settles-massacre-lawsuit-by-paying-fa
milies

January 7, 2010

Two sources with inside knowledge of Blackwater’s settlement with Iraqi victims of a string of shootings, including the Nisour Square massacre, have confirmed to me that Blackwater is paying $100,000 for each of the Iraqis killed by its forces and between $20-30,000 to each Iraqi wounded. One source said it was "an absolute bargain" for Blackwater. Based on the number of dead and injured named in the civil lawsuits, the total amount paid by Blackwater is likely in the range of $5 million. Blackwater has made more than $1.5 billion in "security" contracts in Iraq alone since 2003.

Blackwater’s owner, Erik Prince, recently said his company is spending $2 million a month in legal fees to battle civil and criminal cases and investigations.

Blackwater released a statement saying the company was "pleased" with the ruling. "This enables Xe’s new management to move the company forward free of the costs and distraction of ongoing litigation, and provides some compensation to Iraqi families," the company said, using its new moniker, Xe.

The Nisour Square massacre was the single deadliest incident involving private US forces in Iraq. Seventeen civilians were killed and more than 20 wounded by Blackwater forces in a shooting the US military labeled a "criminal" action. Among the dead were women and children and some victims were shot in the back as they fled Blackwater’s gunfire.

The settlement was finalized last night in court papers filed by the attorney for the Iraqis, Susan Burke, who brought the suit with the Center for Constitutional Rights. Blackwater is still facing a separate civil lawsuit in North Carolina filed by more victims of the Nisour Square shootings.

Update: I have heard that two of the injured Iraqi plaintiffs received higher payments than the others, including the families of the deceased.

Paintings from Iraq - Mohammad Sami الفنان محمد سامي

Paintings from Iraq - Mohammad Sami الفنان محمد سامي

Turn sound on to listen to the beautiful Iraqi Music

The talented young Iraqi artist Mohammad Sami expresses through his paintings, the pain of isolation mixed with the hope for freedom and open spaces. His style is poetic and emotional.

Al Aqsa Mosque’s Foundations Threatened by Israeli tunnels

IRAQ: Iraqis welcome WFP role in state food aid system

Photo: IRIN
An Iraqi woman receives her food ration (file photo)

BAGHDAD, 6 January 2010 (IRIN) -

Iraqis have welcomed a new partnership between the Ministry of Trade and the UN World Food Programme (WFP) to improve the state-run food aid system, which has been crumbling since the US-led invasion in 2003 because of insecurity, poor management and corruption.

“Finally we’ve got someone who will help us,” said Omar Khalid Al-Jabouri, a 43-year-old video games shop owner from Jihad, a suburb of western Baghdad. “We’ve been suffering since 2003 with the system’s bad foodstuffs, which are not fit for human consumption, and delays in distribution and shortages of items.”

Under a 2010-2014 memorandum of understanding, WFP will offer consultation and training to Trade Ministry employees on how to buy, transport, store and distribute food items nationwide in a timely manner while maintaining quality.

WFP will not be actively involved in any stage of the buying and distribution process.

On 4 January, Safa-Eddin al-Safi, Iraq's acting trade minister, announced the partnership in a joint press conference with WFP Iraq country director Edward Kallon, describing it as "a major and important step on the path of improving the food rationing system”. "This partnership aims to achieve the Ministry’s goal of securing the food rationing system's items nationwide by making use of the WFP experience," Al-Safi said.

Kallon said WFP’s more than 40 years of experience in international food assistance would enable it to play a key role in helping improve the management of the food rations’ supply chain.

When it comes to the food rationing system, I prefer to leave it in the hands of WFP, from A to Z, because the Iraqi government has proved that it is unable to handle it properly. Optimism Iraqis asked were optimistic about the partnership, even calling for greater WFP involvement. “When it comes to the food rationing system, I prefer to leave it in the hands of WFP, from A to Z, because the Iraqi government has proved that it is unable to handle it properly,” Kholoud Mohammed Amin, a 33-year-old hairdresser from New Baghdad, on the eastern side of the capital, told IRIN.

Basra resident Ahmed Abbas Wali, a 53-year taxi driver, echoed Amin’s call for giving WFP a greater role, and said that the government should pledge to compensate food aid recipients with money if they did not receive their parcel. "What is happening now is that we are buying the things from the market when the government can't distribute them. The government should pay citizens to buy the missing materials," Wali said.

PDS food parcels Iraq’s food rationing system, known as the Public Distribution System (PDS), was set up in 1995 as part of the UN’s oil-for-food programme following Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990. More than half of Iraq's 29 million residents depend on it, according to Trade Ministry statistics. Monthly PDS parcels are supposed to contain rice (3kg per person); sugar (2kg per person); cooking oil (1.25kg or one litre per person); flour (9kg per person); milk for adults (250g per person); tea (200g per person); beans (250g per person); children's milk (1.8kg per child); soap (250g per person); detergents (500g per person); and tomato paste (500g per person).

Last year, former Iraqi trade minister Abdul-Falah al-Sudani was arrested and charged with corruption and embezzlement, mainly in relation to food imports for PDS parcels. The minister’s brother and another official were also arrested while seven other officials, including another brother, who are all wanted for the same alleged offences, are still at large.

sm/ed/cb

Kerkük`te hedef Türkmen konvoyu

Irak`ın kuzeyindeki Kerkük kentinde, Türkmen polis müdürünün konvoyunu hedef alan bombalı saldırılarda 3 koruma öldü, 8 kişi de yaralandı. Kerkük Bölge Polis Müdürü Albay Burhan Tayyip`in konvoyunu hedef alan ilk saldırıda bir koruma öldü, 3`ü de yaralandı.

Bölgeye kalabalığın toplanmasının ardından ikinci bomba patlatıldı.05.01.2010Yasal Uyarı: Yayınlanan köşe yazısı/haberin tüm hakları Diyalog Gazetecilik San. ve Tic. Ltd. Şti.`ne aittir. Kaynak gösterilse dahi köşe yazısı/haberin tamamı özel izin alınmadan kullanılamaz.

Ancak alıntılanan köşe yazısı/haberin bir bölümü, alıntılanan köşe yazısı/habere aktif link verilerek kullanılabilir.
KERKÜK (CİHAN)